On January 1, 2007, The European
Union accepted two new members- Bulgaria and Romania. They were the first
Balkan countries, members of the EU, after Greece. Nowadays, six years later
they are still not enjoying all of the benefits of full membership of the
union, in particular the freedom of movement of labour. However, January 1,
2014 is the expected date for both countries in terms of getting freedom of
access to the United Kingdom. This will be followed by many benefits but the
most important one is opening the borders for the UK labour market for
Bulgarian and Romanian migrants. The consequences of this, however, are a
matter of concern for the UK politicians who decided to make a hot topic out of
the case.
There has been much speculation in
the UK press and political circles about the increasing of the number of
Bulgarian and Romanian migrants to the country. The UK Government has taken
steps to mitigate what is feared will be a massive influx of new immigrants,
launching a negative PR campaign in those countries in order to discourage
people from emigrating to the UK.
What makes the other European
countries distrust Bulgaria and Romania so much? The level of corruption in
both countries is high according to the European Commission and the need to
demonstrate that it is decreasing is the main requirement for them to enter the
passport-free Schengen zone. The reputation of Bulgaria and Romania does not
work well for them either. Eastern European countries in general are seen by
Western Europeans as “transition” countries with post-communist influence on
their politics, which have not yet entirely applied the democratic model.
Bulgaria and Romania have problems with the levels of corruption, their
judicial, health and education systems. The living standard is also very low
which is why many people choose to emigrate.
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Nigel Farage/The Telegraph, 30.12.2013 |
However, the number of immigrants
expected to come to the UK after January 1, 2014 is highly exaggerated by the
UK politicians and the media. The leader of the UK Independence Party (UKIP),
Nigel Farage made a statement recently that a wave of 29 million immigrants
from Bulgaria and Romania is expected to enter the country if Britain puts down
the restrictions after January 2014 (Giannangely 2012). However this statement is untrue and
logically impossible as the population of Romania is 21,848,504 (Index Mundi, Romania,
2012) and the population of Bulgaria is 7,037,935 (Index Mundi, Bulgaria, 2012).
Some political and media
stakeholders have a vested interest in overstating the threat posed by
Bulgarian and Romanian immigration in order to achieve their objectives. The situation is exaggerated as some
political parties, like UKIP, which have no seats in the British Parliament can
make a good use of the issue by creating a problem out of it and this way,
attract voters.
Stakeholder salience is an analysis
model of identifying and classifying stakeholders according to three main
attributes: Power, Legitimacy and Urgency (Virk 2010). It is a useful tool that
could be used to analyse the issue with the Bulgarian and Romanian immigration.
The theory suggests that paying attention to stakeholders is good for corporate
performance and reputation. Waddock & Graves (1997) argue that corporate
performance is all about the relationship between an organisation and its
stakeholders (Agle et al. 1999, p. 511).
In the particular case the UK
Government and politicians are definitive stakeholders as they possess the
three attributes of power, legitimacy and urgency and the media is a dangerous
stakeholder as it has power and urgency to maintain the negative image of
Bulgaria and Romania, before dropping the entry restrictions in 2014. However,
Bulgarian and Romanian governments cannot do much to counteract the negative
attitude even though they have strong relationships with these stakeholders, as
part of one union- the EU. The reason for that is the actual issue is bigger-
the immigration in UK as a whole. Bulgaria and Romania do not have much in
common with the larger problem, although they have been targeted as the
“villains”. That is why they do not have the power to counteract as they are
not the real cause of the main problem, but they are just the latest expression
of it. Therefore, it could be argued that stakeholder salience theory does not
work in this case.
Anholt (2002, p.27-28) argues that
the main obstacle for improving reputation is time. Even if a country is doing
quite well, its past image could work against it simply because negative
stereotype is difficult to change once “it has taken root”. Therefore bad
reputation is a major reason for the UK wave of discontent against Bulgaria and
Romania, but reputation management cannot do much about it. And this is simply
because of the time limit. Bulgaria and Romania would not change the negative
perceptions about themselves in the UK even if they launch the most successful
and effective PR campaign. The only thing they can do though is, as Anholt
(2002, p.28) suggests, “make themselves famous for what they are going to
be, instead of what they have been.”
As discussed above, the media is a
dangerous stakeholder- therefore it has the power to influence the situation
with the Bulgarian and Romanian migrants in a very big way. However, in this
particular case, the media is favouring one side rather than providing
equivalent treatment to both sides of this political conflict. This means we
are now talking about media framing. The average person normally has little
personal experience of politics so they rely on the media to inform them and
help them form a view and better understand the political environment. This
gives the media power to create its own reality, different from the true one.
Semetko and Valkenburg (2000, p.94) argue that “How people think about an issue, especially a political issue
that is inherently ambiguous, is
dependent on how the issue is
framed by the media” (Baysha
& Hallahan 2004, p.234).
That is the case with Bulgaria and
Romania too; the issue is framed by the UK political and press circles. They
put a lot more stress on it than is necessary and create artificial tension in
the British people against Bulgarian and Romanian migrants. This does not mean
that either of the two countries can do anything to stop the negative press
coverage. Most of the leading UK newspapers show only the UK politicians point
of view, and the right of response was given neither to Bulgaria nor to Romania.
From here, two questions arise: Why
are the Bulgarian and Romanian migrants such a big threat for the UK? And can
both countries’ governments do anything to stop the negative coverage and
speculations in the UK press and political circles? The answers to both quations are simple- "nothing" to the first one and "no" to the second one. Even though the Government gave official statistics on the
number of Bulgarian and Romanian immigrants expected to enter the country in
2014, which was several times less than what was said earlier, the situation
did not change. The press and politicians continued blaming them for
immigration rates which proves the statement that Bulgaria and Romania are the
occasion but not the cause of the problem. Therefore nothing could be done by
both countries in order to change the attitude as they have already been given
the role of “the villains.”
References
Giannangely M., 2012-23-12. Britain to face a new immigrant
wave; Express
Index Mundi, Romania
Demographics Profile 2013
Index
Mundi, Bulgaria Demographics Profile 2013
Virk,
2010; Salience Model –
Stakeholder Analysis; Leadership and Management
Agle B. R. et al., 1999; Who
Matters to CEOs? An Investigation of Stakeholder Attributes and Salience,
Corporate Performance and CEO Values; Academy of Management Journal Vol. 42,
No.5, 507-525
Anholt S., 2002; Competitive
Identity: The New Brand Management for Nations, Cities and Regions;
Palgrave Macmillan
Baysha O. & Hallahan K., 2004; Media
Framing of the Ukrainian Political Crisis, 2000-2001; Journalism Studies
Colorado State University, 1993-2013; Content
Analysis
Macnamara
J., 2005; Media content
analysis: Its uses; benefits and best practice
methodology; Asia Pacific
Public Relations Journal, 6(1), 1–34.